Yulia MOSTOVAYA

To be honest, when preparing the holiday issue, Zerkalo Nedeli reporters spent a lot of time trying to decide which one of Ukrainian women should get the chance to speak to the newspaper readers on March 8. Quite unexpectedly, korrespondent.net gave us a clue by publicizing the results of its Most Influential Woman of Ukraine poll. Thanks to 74% of anonymous respondents, it is Yulia Tymoshenko who bears the palm.

As you may guess, our decision was not an easy one to make and as to putting it into practice… Publisizing opinions of isolator detainees is a thing rarely done indeed. But we took our chance and did it.

We asked a lawyer to put our questions to Yulia Volodymyrivna. Today we offer you her answers. No cutting or editing has been done. The following interview with former vice-premier Yulia Tymoshenko is our exclusive present to the authorities and the opposition. To every woman with a man’s character. And to every sissy man.

Q: Do you have an opportunity to get information on what is happening in Ukraine, and, if so, how do you assess the actions taken by the authorities and those by the opposition?

A: While in detention, I’ve had every chance to feel the effect of a large-scale programme by propresidential media to debase and distort the consciousness of people. For the first few weeks, I was only able to listen to the radio and watch the UT-1 national channel. Broadcast fragments on the activities of the opposition were jammed like in the good old Soviet times. Watching UT-1 was an eye-opener for me. Like any dignified person, I had rarely watched UT-1 and the Inter channel learning the news content from analysts’ bulletins only. What is important, though, is that the President of Ukraine was as good as his word. He did elicit from himself a totally new President, as he had promised to do. To be exact, he took away all the scenery. Having seen and heard what our nation hear and see every day, I understood that the President may accomplish everything he has conceived. The world history is full of similar examples. I was once again assured that the first and major reform to be carried out upon the establishment of democratic government is the reform of mass media. The success of all other reforms will follow.

Here’s my view of this reform:

First, government and media are to determine the main organizational and moral canons of mass media activities and to adopt them as a normative regulation, a Media Constitution of sorts, according to which all the media activity will be governed.

Second, a joint, corporate and legitimate body of journalists with broad clear-cut rights to lobby mass media interests and protect journalists’ rights is to be set up.

Third, it is very important that the state should provide groups of professional journalists and respectable non-oligarch media investors with irrevocable starting capital and revocable long-term credits on preferential terms for launching the activity of a concrete mass medium. The possibility of tax privileges for a certain period must be contemplated. The expenditure of the state budget for the media is to be coordinated with the journalists’ corporate body.

Fourth, almost implausible. The reform is to be conducted by the government that will dare to face the independent mass media. The current regime would not be able to do it. It’s evident that it will never surrender its ‘fig-leaf’ media.

Fifth and the last. It’s necessary to find the forces in society that will bring an honest government to power.

The hope for mass media reform now remains extremely faint. Today, in the Information Age, I would like to refute the popular dogma that every nation deserves its ruler. By littering people’s minds through crippled media with all the thoroughly manured dirt, one yields same chaos and garbage in place of the nation’s resolutions plus the falsification of election results of the entire country. The people’s actions are quite coincident with the quality of the country’s information space- that sounds more of an up-to-date and objective view.

Assessment of the Authorities’ Actions?

The authorities are taking very active and massive steps. But the problem is that they are as incoherent and contradictory as anything else the administration does. This is hardly surprising, as the intellectual level of former directors of vegetable storehouses, nouveau riche ‘brothas’, ill-educated engineers, and meat-processing technologists with vocational school certificates as well as tax officials who used to be mining engineers and are now taking fateful decisions at the highest level turns out to be sufficient only for wearing expensive suits and selling one’s services at highest profit. Everything else is done by government following the basic instinct of self-protection, and any talk of building a civilized country is, as Major Melnychenko’s tapes would indicate, out of place. Yet, when a house burns, people instinctively jump off the ninth floor. The authorities seem to be doing this.

What is regrettable is that their glaring mistakes do not strengthen the opposition. It’s growing weaker as the government grows weaker. I keep asking myself a painful question: why?

Separatist processes are now taking place within the opposition. Some of its leaders are not concerned about the opposition’s victory and the country’s revival. They are concerned about their well being after the next presidential elections and about their place at the feeding-rack of authority. Leaders of some opposition forces, instead of removing the crime-ridden government, are starting political wars on ideological grounds between each other. The price to pay for these petty intrigues is losing the country along with any hope of its well being.

Regular citizens cannot understand what is happening, and, like newborn babies, they are looking for protection from one political father to another, but only find dissolute stepfathers who are only too ready to desecrate them. Taking into account the specific character of Ukraine, in order to bring about the opposition’s victory, three obligatory conditions must be fulfilled:

First, numerous leaders of numerous opposition parties and movements must call forth their wisdom and will to unite into a temporary non-party monolith, putting aside, for the time being, their political ambitions and ideological bigotry, setting one common goal - sweeping out all the scum currently in power and holding early presidential elections - and, if necessary, early parliamentary elections - on truly democratic basis. Leaders of some opposition forces who are trying to drown one another and shoot ahead into first place must finally understand that under the current President no more parliamentary elections will take place. Majority parliamentarians will be appointed personally by the president and approved without fail by intimidated and bribed regional authorities. The ballots cast for any, even a remotely oppositionist party, will be quietly put by the very same regional authorities into the baskets of the SDPU(u), Labour Ukraine, the Democratic Union, Azarov’s party. These guys won’t share with one another anyway but the opposition will find no room here either. And then the opposition leaders will have an opportunity to divide their electorates and posts as well as to satisfy their ambitions right at the invited guests’ balconies of the Verkhovna Rada (good thing MPs are never asked to hand in the deputies’ IDs).

All that will not apply to the Communist party and the Progressive Socialists. Opposition like this is vital to the administration - it is comprehensible, predictable, and its own. It will serve as convincing evidence of the democratic elections’ absolutely democratic character.

It will be the second convincing defeat of the opposition following the notoriously lost last presidential elections.

Second essential condition for the opposition’s victory is to gather a united army of people in the regions, irrespective of their party affiliations; people who understand what the authorities are doing to the country and who are ready to fight for adequate life to the last. To be able to rely on this people in carrying out constitutional democratic procedures of removing incompetent and criminal authorities. To set common tasks and a common algorithm of action to the people. Nowadays some fight for truth, others support Ukraine Without Kuchma, while other oppositionists seek to stop Socialists. In spite of all the opposition’s good intentions, what we get is the chaos Ukrainians are so much used to seeing.

I don’t understand who supports opposition locally while it remains suspended in the air. The people, pulled apart by a hundred of registered parties and movements, are brought to a political standstill while persistently using any opportunity they get in an effort to feed their children.

The third condition of victory is not to limit yourself to expressing justifiable indignation in the streets or at home, hoping that the guarantor will cast down his eyes and go on his own, or will suddenly evaporate thanks to the West’s magic wand. It is necessary to work out a clear-cut constitutional and democratic way of holding the general referendum for the President’s early resignation and early presidential elections. To organize the democratic elections of a new president of Ukraine.

If the opposition lacks strength and organizing skills for this, its leaders should immediately and at any price win themselves a place at the President’s heel and serve him with tripled loyalty, as half-measures and insincerity will not do. Then you might get the sought after ballots as a gift at the next parliamentary elections (perhaps, you might even get a couple of majority election districts from the boss). Yet the chance of such presents is extremely small while the price for this virtual chance is betraying your own people who are going to fail to understand the political model and will finally swear their loyalty to the politicians who pay more. The opposition, by the way, cannot compete here: it’s clear as of now who will pay more.

The answer to the question ‘will the guarantor go on his own?’ is simple enough: never and under no circumstances. He was born and became politically strong in the country where one left the post of the chief ruler only when one was carried out feet first due to an old age or illness. It’s the country where smart guys always ruled when its leaders became inefficient. Our guarantor absorbed the traditions. This is what makes up his innermost secret, his innermost dream he will sacrifice all the country’s political economic and administrative potential for. If the opposition continues making a fuss instead of working, we are sure to get Leoind Danilovich’s third term at the ‘ardent and unanimous behest of the people’. For the political opposition, I am honoured to belong to, one major principle, which I formulated long ago, must prevail - to assess reality as it is and conduct strong policies aimed at the realistic result. If the President happens to resign spontaneously, let this happen against the background of clear, well coordinated, and effective work of consolidated opposition.

Q: While free, you were one of the principle organizers of opposition movement. Do you feel that the fruit of the opposition’s efforts may be taken advantage of by some of the President’s entourage who will grab the power when he loses it and opposition fails to take it?

A: The naked eye can see that the President’s entourage have ‘written him off’ since a long time ago. Hustle and bustle has started, and it looks like splitting up of inheritance to me. Insistent suggestions by Pinchuk to try to put Tyhypko onto higher places, while the air of the country’s leader the latter has assumed becoming almost indiscreet, and the creation of Azarov’s party are part of this scheme.

The hasty and ambitious character of Medvedchuk’s statements has made his impatience to become the successor to the inheritance obvious even to Leonid Danilovich [Kuchma]. What is interesting is that only the Inter (read Medvedchuk and Surkis) and ICTV (i.e. Pinchuk) television channels publicized in detail and repeated many times Melnichenko’s accusation of the President’s having embezzled one billion dollars in cash bribes, gifts, and state property. These guys are surrendering their ‘father’ without a second thought. The young heirs have forgotten that although their ‘daddy’ might be severely ‘ill’ politically and his political life might be lukewarm, he is still in power, and he doesn’t believe it will end soon. He will give something to each heir while he’s in trouble, but he will never forget them dividing his inheritance when he was still around. And if the opposition, God forbid, fails and the guarantor is reanimated, he will remember everything and take the last possessions away from his ungrateful children. Bakai’s case and Volkov’s imminent case, those are the signals coming from Leonid Danilovich.

There are two ways in which the situation may unfold. If Leonid Danilovich is dismissed ahead of term, the power will go to the non-Communist opposition. If, by miracle, Leonid Danilovich recuperates his reckoning with the entourage for their marauding will be very harsh. The guys from the President’s criminal environment will lose in any case. They should take their time to think why ‘the honest publican’ Azarov’s party has been set up. And who needs them with their excessive ambitions when the main administrative resource is in Azarov’s hands, not in their kleptomaniac ones.

Q: Unfortunately, for the last two weeks the Ukrainian society had absolutely no idea about what is happening to you and what new charges have been presented to you. Could you tell us about your detention and treatment as well as the prospects of your release from detention until the trial?

A: It’s very indicative that the administration has employed a powerful resource for political retaliation upon me as a person. Over one hundred people of the investigative group at the Prosecutor’s General’s (which is all of their employees, I think) work at wiping me, my family and all my colleagues at work off the face of the earth. The President himself is working at this as well along with other rulers of the country and all the dubious presidential entourage. The administration would never employ such a powerful resource against a weak and hopeless political rival incapable of destroying the regime. I’d like to thank them for this high evaluation of my political activity.

The Prosecutor General’s Office generates numerous accusations against me. Each new one is more ridiculous that the previous one. They take by quantity, as usual. All these charges have no objective grounds. But I will never involve the public as an arbiter to determine who’s right and who’s wrong. Let this remain the domain of our independent Prosecutor General’s. The society can not and is not to be this arbiter. I will fight those people professionally and I am certain, I will find in our half-destroyed country the last crumbs of justice and will prove my absolute innocence in court. Then I’ll be able to look people in the eye and say, without having to go into the past and juridical details: I am innocent. I’ll be able to live on my life, unconditionally devoted to my country.

What can I tell you about detention conditions? Prison is an awful place. I was morally prepared for all the difficulties I am forced to experience here. I’d like to tell you about one of the latest incidents, a heart-rending one. It was extraordinary. During a meeting with my lawyer, a door in the isolator room opened and someone threw in two little bouquets of snowdrops onto the table, to support me at a difficult time on the eve of the Woman’s Day. Those living flowers in the dark, cold, humid, metal clanking casements were something utterly unreal, a real sign of life that goes on some place a long way from here. I wanted to take the flowers to my cell, but the isolator authorities rudely took the little bunch of snowdrops away from me. I asked why, as this was not a pricking or a cutting object, not a weapon, not a letter from out of prison. What is common sense and normal human attitude to people whose guilt hasn’t been proven by court? No one explained anything to me, our despotic administration kept silence as usual. I will brace up and survive, but only to make the country’s government human and honest.

It’s also significant who is detained here. Most of the people here are unfortunate victims who the government turned into drug addicts, petty thieves and tramps. Detained here are children who were caught stealing a jar of condensed milk while adults, who have devastated the country, drive free cars and feel comfortably warm in their parliament seats. Imprisoned are poor drug users who require urgent treatment while large-scale drug dealers make friends with power ministries top officials they share their profits with. Detained here are all those who have been ‘ordered’ by someone else, be it the regime, their business competitors, their subordinates or bosses; they are here because they missed their chance to bribe away their freedom. People are kept and fed worse than a bad farmer keeps and feeds his cattle. They are beaten and humiliated, even those without court convictions. Is this the country we were building? Is this what we must make the norm of our life? Elite, intimidated and bribed, wake up and be the Citizen of your country, pluck up your courage and defend your people.

Q: Imprisonment must look absolutely different from within to what one may think of it while free. Do you regret in any way anything you’ve done, your conscious escalation of tension with the authorities, in particular?

A: I really couldn’t foresee all the gravity of this trouble. But I would follow the same road if I had to begin everything anew. Why? Because I don’t want to be one of the elite or the intelligentsia who cynically sell out their nation. This has become a historical tradition. In the 16th -18th centuries our people were surrendered to the Poles, starting 18th century to Russians, in the 21st century to whoever asks for it but mainly to the criminals. The elite is not paid much for this betrayal: some get positions, some get rattling decorations and titles, others just a bone from the President’s table, a red bow on the neck and the right to draw in their tail between their legs at the President’s heel. But whatever the price, the nation gets enslaved for centuries. Can a slave be happy? Slaves only work their fingers to the bone for a plate of broth and reproduce for the master’s pleasure. I am beyond this elite, I will not be ‘elitist’. I will live the life I think worthwhile. May Leonid Danilovich and his numerous medvedchuks, surkises, pinchuks, azarovs, and potebenkos hope not that they will break me and perish me in casements. No one is going to make me act like a vulture. I’ll go this way to the victory and I’ll build my country with the plan it will not be ashamed of.

Q: Do you keep any contacts with your spouse and who were you allowed to see while in Lukyanivka detention?

A: I was prohibited to see my relatives, and any communication with my husband, while he was in the Kyiv isolator, was categorically out of the question. I was deprived of everything a human being might be deprived of. Potebenko and his inspirers made sure my husband and I are not under the same roof because I once caught his glance in a corridor while we were taken to our investigators. My Sasha was taken to Zhytomir isolator in a bare iron train carriage. His journey lasted for a whole day, though Zhytomir is 150 kilometers away at most. Why couldn’t they transport him to such a distance in a special vehicle within two hours? The subtle sadism towards me and my family has concrete objectives which I already mentioned. But they will not be attained by the authorities.

Q: How do you see Ukraine coming out of this crisis? When can we expect clarity?

A: There are two ways the situation may develop. The first one is if opposition finds in itself and the society to hold early democratic elections of the President. Then the non-Communist opposition will come to power and the country will pretty soon feel the effect of a way of life that can be called normal. It must be done prior to parliamentary elections. The second option is presidential elections not being called before the next elections to the parliament. Then, the regime stays in power and the elections are controlled by Kuchma. He’ll bring a majority loyal to him to the Verkhovna Rada and after that everything would be as this hapless regime wants. All of the President’s resources will be thrown at rehabilitation of his discredited name, with the President being unable to understand that the task is impossible to complete. He’ll give away anything he is asked for to Russia and its investors, the rest will be split between ‘the family’, i.e. the surviving members of presidential entourage. ‘Kuchma’s Democracy’ will develop into something new, even more ugly. Undoubtedly, his spare time would be dedicated to tap-dancing to the tune of the West, but that would be just about it, no more than dancing. What we will never see with this guarantor is the strong national policy, intelligently conducted and capable of standing for the national interests. We’ll never see the true prosperity of the people as the guarantor’s interests are ever elsewhere, and we and our children will never be able to be proud of our country as it will have been torn apart by the East, the West and our own domestic vultures.

I will not be an accomplice in this dirty business. I believe that the course of history can be radically changed for better. But the job of consolidating the Ukrainian society for its ablution and renascence will be a difficult and dangerous one.

Q: How do you assess the latest moves by Victor Yuschenko, his autograph under the ‘Letter of the Three’, in particular?

A: I think, Viktor Andriyovich [Yuschenko] is informed much more than he gets credit for. We should not oversimplify his actions. His political game is a complicated one, one that has perspective. At the moment, under no circumstances can we allow him to lose his post. He knows the bounds for compromise with the President and he does his best to maintain them. His reply to Mr Medvedchuk’s statements showed this explicitly. It was a clear and intelligible answer. It is just that I don’t believe that Yuschenko is the kind of person capable of betraying the interests of his country for the sake of his own personal well being. It is something that is beyond any compromise for him.

Q: Do you feel any support coming from the premiere? Do you think he is capable of influencing your fate?

A: I know that he does everything possible to avert the lynching of the opposition in this country. I have faith in him and I have faith in his future.